1995 dbq essay

1995 dbq essay

Part A. Suggested writing time Percent of Section I1 score The following question requires you to construct a coherent essay that integrates your interpretation of. High scores will be earned only by. Analyze the changes that occurred during the 's in the goals, strategies, and support of the movement for African American civil rights.

1995 apush dbq sample essay essay questions on lonely days

Part A. Suggested writing time Percent of Section I1 score The following question requires you to construct a coherent essay that integrates your interpretation of. High scores will be earned only by. Analyze the changes that occurred during the 's in the goals, strategies, and support of the movement for African American civil rights. Use the documents and your knowledge of the history of the 's to construct your response. Document A. We affirm the philosophical or religious ideal of nonviolence as the foundation of our purpose, the presupposition of our faith, and the manner of our action.

Nonviolence as it grows from Judaic-Christian traditions seeks a social order of justice permeated by love. Integration of human endeavor represents the crucial first step towards such a society. Through nonviolence, courage displaces fear; love transforms hate. Acceptance dissipates prejudice; hope ends despair. Peace dominates war; faith reconciles doubt. Mutual regard cancels enmity. Justice for all overthrows injustice. The redemptive community supersedes systems of gross social immorality.

All rights reserved. Document B. I Source:. Martin Luther King, Jr. I My Dear Fellow Clergymen:. I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham since you have been influenced by the view which argues against "outsiders coming in. Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a non-violent direct- action program if such were deemed necessary.

We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have organizational ties here. But more basically, I am in Birnlingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth century B. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid. Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham.

Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds. Document D. Source: President John F.

Kennedy in a radio and television report to the American people June 11, We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution. The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be.

The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives. We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action.

It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your state and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily.

Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. Document E. Stokely Carmichael in "What We Want," But our vision is not merely of a society in which all black men have enough to buy the good things of life.

When we urge that black money go into black pockets, we mean the communal pocket. We want to see money go back into the community and used to benefit it. We want to see the cooperative concept applied in business and banking. We want to see black ghetto residents demand that an exploiting store keeper sell them, at minimal cost, a building or a shop that they will own and improve cooperatively; they can back their demand with a rent strike, or a boycott, and a community so unified behind them that no one else will move into the building or buy at the store.

The society we seek to build among black people, then, is not a capitalist one. It is a society in which the spirit of community and humanistic love prevail. Document F. Statement by the minister of defense of the Black Panthers, May 2, The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense calls upon the American people in general and the black people in particular to take careful note of the racist California Legislature which is now considering legislation aimed at keeping the black people disarmed and powerless at the very same time that racist police agencies throughout the country are intensifying the terror, brutality, murder, and repression of black people.

Black people have begged, prayed, petitioned, demonstrated, and everything else to get the racist power structure of America to right the wrongs which have historically been perpetrated against black people. All of these efforts have been answered by more repression, deceit, and hypocrisy. As the aggression of the racist American government escalates in Vietnam, the police agencies of America escalate the repression of black people throughout the ghettoes of America.

Vicious police dogs, cattle prods, and increased patrols have become familiar sights in black communities. City Hall turns a deaf ear to the pleas of black people for relief from this increasing terror. The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense believes that the time has come for black people to arm themselves against this terror before it is too late. Document G.

Total South. Document H. North Carolina. South Carolina. Totals of all. Democratic -Hubert. Republican - Richard M. Nixon; Spiro T. Wallace; Curtis LeMay. Humphrey; Edmund Muskie. Electoral Vote. Learn more about Scribd Membership Home. Read Free For 30 Days. Much more than documents. Discover everything Scribd has to offer, including books and audiobooks from major publishers. Start Free Trial Cancel anytime.

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essays that both cite key pieces of evidence from the documents and draw on outside knowledge of the period. The following question requires. Prezi. The Science · Conversational Presenting · For Business · For Education · Testimonials · Presentation Gallery · Video Gallery · Design Gallery · Templates.

Hartley, John Adams, B. And that persons of any other description shall have free liberty to go to any part or parts of any of the thirteen United States, and therein to remain twelve months, unmolested in their endeavors to obtain the restitution of such of their estates, rights and properties, as may have been confiscated; and that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several states a reconsideration and revision of all acts or laws regarding the premises, so as to render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation, which on the return of the blessings of peace should universally prevail. And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several states, that the estates, rights and properties of such last mentioned persons, shall be restored to them, they refunding to any persons who may be now in possession, the bona fide price where any has been given which such persons may have paid on purchasing any of the said lands, rights or properties, since the confiscation.

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1995 DBQ - Civil Rights

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